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Morocco's International Boundaries: A Factual Background

Published on Sep 1, 1963in Journal of Modern African Studies 0.88
· DOI :10.1017/S0022278X00001725
Anthony S. Reyner1
Estimated H-index: 1
Abstract
THE chain reaction set off in Paris by the Franco-Moroccan Declaration of 2 March 1956 still reverberates in the politics of north-west Africa. On that day, France ended 44 years of its protectorate over Morocco, restored to Mohamed V full sovereignty over I62,I20 square miles of land and some seven million people, and pledged 'to respect, and see to it that others respect, the integrity of Moroccan territory, as guaranteed by international treaties'.1 The next month, Moroccan territory grew by 10,808 square miles, when Spain relinquished its Northern Protectorate, a rugged and generally undeveloped strip along the Strait of Gibraltar, which it had acquired from France in I 92, together with a 'Southern Zone'.2 In October 1956 the Tangier International Committee of Control transferred I44 square miles with more than 200,000 inhabitants to Moroccan administration. (This city and its immediate surroundings have been 'permanently neutralised and demilitarised' since I923, except for violation of its international status by Spain during World War II.)3 Finally, in April 1958, Spain ceded to Morocco the Southern Protectorate, also known as Tarfaya (after its capital) or Tekna. A handful of nomads, who graze sheep and goats south of the Oued Dra and north of Spanish Sahara, inhabit these I3,297 miles of arid wasteland.4 (See Map I.) The straight-line border between Morocco and Spanish Sahara, which follows latitude 27? 40' North for a distance of some 275 miles from the * Professor and Head of the Geography Department, Howard University, Washington, D.C. He has been for several years a consultant on international boundaries to the U.S. Department of State. 1 The protectorate had been established by the Treaty of Fez. An English translation appears in The American Journal of International Law (Washington), Supplement, vi, p. 207. The official English translation of the 1956 Joint Declaration was reprinted in The American Journal oflnternational Law, LI, p. 676. 2 Declaration by the Governments of Spain and Morocco on the Independence of Morocco (and Protocol), dated 7 April 1956. See Royal Institute of International Affairs, Documents on International Affairs (Oxford University Press, I956), p. 694. 3 For documents dealing with the internationalisation of the Tangier Zone, see its 'Statute', the Anglo-Franco-Spanish Convention of I8 December 1923 (recognised by Belgium, Italy, Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United States), in British and Foreign State Papers (London), cxIx, p. 480; cxxi, p. 922; and cxxIi, p. 689. 4 Cf. The Geographer, U.S. Department of State, Morocco-Spanish Sahara Boundary (International Boundary Study Series, no. 9, 14 September 1961), p. i.
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Published on Jul 4, 2018in Small Wars & Insurgencies
Claire Metelits5
Estimated H-index: 5
(AU: American University)
ABSTRACTThe conflict between the rebel group, the Polisario Front, and the Kingdom of Morocco is nearing its 43rd year. Though under-reported, the conflict itself garners attention for the resilience – some would say tenacity – of the ethnically Sahrawi Polisario Front. Despite shifting regional and international politics and the nearly 150,000 Sahrawi refugees waiting in nearby Algerian camps, the rebel group has survived. What explains its resilience? This article uses Bourdieu’s ‘forms of cap...
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Published on Mar 15, 2015in The Journal of North African Studies
Adam Guerin1
Estimated H-index: 1
(Eckerd College)
This article reevaluates the so-called Meknes water riots of 1937 as a way to understand how rural economic decline and the contest over natural resources during the Protectorate period sparked anti-colonial protest in Morocco. The ‘riots’ have long been considered an early example of Moroccans unifying under the banner of an emergent anti-colonial nationalism. This article argues, however, that the revolt cannot be adequately conceptualised as simply a reflection of the nationalist message base...
1 Citations Source Cite
Published on Mar 1, 2013in The Journal of North African Studies
Ana Torres-Garcia (University of Seville)
King Hassan II of Morocco (1961–1999) redirected his country's foreign policy from a neutralist stance opted for by his father, Muhammad V (1956–1961), towards a definite pro-Western orientation. To study the evolution of Hassan II's early years of foreign policy and his relations with the USA, this article analyses the role played by the Kennedy administration during the Algerian–Moroccan conflict of 1963 known as the ‘War of the Sands’. It explains the objectives and the limitations of the US ...
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Published on Jun 11, 2012in the arab world geographer
Jacob Mundy4
Estimated H-index: 4
Since assuming control of the former Spanish Sahara in 1976, Morocco has encouraged between 200 000 and 300 000 of its citizens to settle there. As a result of this settlement campaign, combined with the mass exodus of nearly half of the indigenous Sahrawi population in the immediate aftermath of Rabat's 1975 invasion, Moroccan settlers now constitute the majority population in occupied Western Sahara. Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara continually posts some of the highest voter turnouts in Moroc...
7 Citations
Published on Jan 1, 2009in The Jewish Quarterly Review
Galit Hasan-Rokem5
Estimated H-index: 5
The picture postcard is a concrete expression of mobility in modern times. Their illustrations include many themes explicitly referring to travel, emigration and uprooting that will be highlighted in the article. As a cultural practice postcards in general may also serve as concrete indexes of the mobility of their documented senders and receivers. Postcards became very early objects of systematic collecting. Most of the Jewish postcards to be discussed in this study belong to the Joseph and Mar...
4 Citations Source Cite
Published on Feb 1, 1996in Journal of Latin American Studies 0.80
Piero Gleijeses10
Estimated H-index: 10
(Johns Hopkins University)
12 Citations Source Cite
Published on Mar 1, 1970in International Organization 4.52
Robert O. Matthews6
Estimated H-index: 6
The literature reviewed in this article focuses on the question of interstate conflict in Africa. There may be some doubt as to the particular interest that such a body of work might hold for those not initiated in the “mysterious” ways of Africa. Certainly Africanists have all too frequently assumed as much, and students of international relations have often readily concurred in this judgment. In no area of the world is William T. R. Fox's assessment that regional studies have tended to be “wri...
5 Citations Source Cite
Published on Dec 1, 1967in International Organization 4.52
Saadia Touval1
Estimated H-index: 1
AN aversion to the international borders drawn by the colonial powers, if not their complete rejection, has been a consistent theme of anticolonial nationalism in Africa. The borders are blamed for the disappearance of a unity which supposedly existed in Africa in precolonial times; they are regarded as arbitrarily imposed, artificial barriers separating people of the same stock, and they are said to have balkanized Africa. The borders are considered to be one of the humiliating legacies of colo...
26 Citations Source Cite
Published on Dec 1, 1966in International Organization 4.52
Patricia Berko Wild1
Estimated H-index: 1
(Columbia University)
The Algerian-Moroccan border conflict provided the Organization of African Unity (OAU) with the first test of its machinery and procedures for peacekeeping and for the peaceful settlement of disputes. The following examination of that dispute and of its treatment by the Organization of African Unity is a case study of the operation of a newly founded regional organization. The Organization of African Unity was endowed with no supranational powers which might have enabled it to enforce its will o...
10 Citations Source Cite
Published on Jul 1, 1966in World Politics 3.25
Ravi L. Kapil1
Estimated H-index: 1
(UWM: University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee)
The consequences that flow from the collapse of empires have never been easily predicted. Seldom, however, has the demise of an imperial system been accompanied by as many systematic analyses and projections as has the current period of decolonization. Much of the recent discussion concerning the newer members of the international system has made reference to their so-called artificial political boundaries. It has been predicted, among other things, that the political boundaries of Asia and Afri...
20 Citations Source Cite